The rural outlaw and the urban gangster occupy a central position in the nation's culture and folklore, yet scant attention has been devoted to them in the social science literature. This analysis seeks to rectify this omission by analyzing the relationship of these types to the larger society, as well as, focusing on the similarities and differences in each type of criminal. Rural outlaw bandits such as "Billy the Kid," the Dalton Brothers, the Younger Brothers, "Pretty Boy" Floyd, Bonnie and Clyde, et al., are compared to their urban mobster counterparts such as Monk Eastman, Al Capone, "Bugsy" Siegel, "Legs" Diamond, Dion O'Banion, and Carlo Gambino. Both types of criminals exhibit similar background features as well as distinct differences in their gang structures, their support systems, and their social, ethnic, and religious makeup.
The rural outlaw and the urban gangster occupy center stage in American
folklore and culture, their images engraved in the national consciousness,
their deeds, good and bad, enshrined in legend, song, film, and literature.
Who has not heard of Jesse James, Billy the Kid, Cole Younger, Bonnie and
Clyde, "Baby Face" Nelson, "Pretty Boy" Floyd, "Legs" Diamond, Al Capone,
Vito Genovese, or "Bugsy" Siegel? Who can think of the Old West and the
frontier without seeing in our mind's eye images of gunslingers and marshals?
Who can view the Great Depression without imagining small-town bank robbers
and notorious public enemies? Who can discuss Prohibition without mentioning
bootleggers, mobsters, gangsters, and racketeers along with the Hollywood
heroes who so vividly portrayed them, the James Cagneys, Humphrey Bogarts,
Edward G. Robinsons, Marlon Brandos, Robert DeNiros, and Al Pacinos?
Yet in terms of serious sociological and historical scholarship, the outlaw and the gangster occupy, at best, a peripheral role in the depiction of our nation's past. Historical texts emphasize other seemingly important personae: presidents, robber barons, farmers, industrialists, trade unionists, inventors, suffragettes, generals, civil rights leaders, abolitionists, traitors, congressmen, judges, immigrants, diplomats, etc. Scarcely mentioned, if at all, are the rogues of the nation's past - the outlaws and the gangsters, highlighted if at all in obscure footnotes and endnotes, consigned to the wastelands of sociology and history. Yet attention ought to be paid to these criminals who, in peculiar and queer ways, embody American culture's most cherished values, however warped these may appear. They differ from the rest of society's members only in degree, as they occupy an academic no man's land, intriguing the ordinary citizen far more so than erudite sociologists and historians. This analysis addresses one aspect of this phenomenon, focusing on the contrast between the rural small-town social bandit (the outlaw), and the urban ethnic organized criminal (the gangster).
Are the outlaw and the gangster similar types? How do they differ? What
are the factors which help explain the demise and gradual disappearance
of the outlaw and the rise and continued vitality of the gangster? Both
rural/small-town outlaws and urban gangsters formed criminal gangs - enduring,
organized groups devoted to achieving their goals by illegal means. The
heyday of the rural gangster extended from the 1870s to the 1930s, a brief
interlude in the country's transition from an agrarian to an industrial
society (Hobsbawm 1981, p. 18). The urban gangsters' ascendancy begins
in the 1830s and gathers steam in the early decades of the twentieth century
mirroring the growing dominance of the city in American life (O'Kane, 1992:
chapter 3).
Exhibiting minimal hierarchy, these groups were based primarily on either family ties or the charisma of their leader. They identified closely with the common people of their regions who both feared and admired these outlaws and who oftentimes were victimized by them. They embodied the small-town Protestant ethos with its distrust of centralized authority, its fierce individualism, its strong allegiance to family, and its uncompromising espousal of Anglo-Saxon values. In theory these outlaws expressed the social consciousness of the poor, the sharecroppers, tenant farmers and similar groups who had been displaced by a growing urbanization and industrialization of American society. The enemies of the common ordinary folk were the enemies of the outlaw - bankers, railroad owners, eastern businessmen, and "city slickers."
Hobsbawm (1981, p. 17) describes this social bond: The point about social bandits is that they are peasant outlaws whom the lord and state regard as criminals, but who remain within peasant society, and are considered by their people as heroes, as champions, avengers, fighters for justice, perhaps even leaders of liberation, and in any case as men to be admired, helped and supported. Such outlaws often viewed themselves as noble types who exercised a Robin Hood approach to their criminality. Hamilton White, known as the King of the America Highwaymen, a relatively minor outlaw who robbed stagecoaches in Colorado in the early 1880s epitomized this attitude: "...he never yet robbed a woman, or a cripple, nor a poor man if he knew it" (Dugan 1987, p. 96).
Yet such attitudes were often merely self-serving rationalizations. The actual historical record suggests that few, if any, of these desperados helped others in need or engaged in criminal acts for any noble purpose. The mythologies surrounding such bandits contrast sharply with their real deeds. As the 20th century began these rural-small town outlaws began to loose their preeminence in the world of criminality. The focal point of American life shifted away from the frontier and the rural agricultural world to the urban-industrial world. By the 1930s the more colorful rural outlaws gradually disappeared, but not without the violent exploits of the last of their kind - John Dillinger, "Pretty Boy" Floyd, "Baby Face" Nelson, Bonnie Parker and Clyde Barrow, "Ma Barker" and her sons. Only their legends remain, memorialized in ballads, film, and myth.
Yet rural organized criminal gangs still persist in isolated sections
of the nation. Some of them focus on the theft of farm machinery, livestock,
grain and fertilizers (Swanson and Territo 1983). Others, particularly
in Kentucky's Appalachian region, focus on the bootlegging of illegal alcohol,
which is accomplished in relatively small gangs whose members are often
related through family and marital ties (Davis and Potter 1991). Still
others in the post-World War II era formed outlaw motorcycle gangs which
overlapped rural and urban environments and engaged in a variety of illegal
pursuits including drug trafficking, prostitution, weapons offenses, armed
robbery and homicide. One such group, the Banditos ("the Bandito Nation")
had its power base in South Dakota, with its territories in the Rocky Mountain
region, as well as in Arkansas and Mississippi (President's Commission
1986, p. 70). Other motorcycle gangs (e.g., Hell's Angels, Outlaws, Pagans,
etc.) recruit their members from federal and state prisons and operate
their criminal enterprise in both rural and urban areas (Kenney and Finckenauer
1995, pp. 292-299).
Gangsters engaged in a variety of criminal activities (e.g., gambling, extortion, murder, prostitution, political intimidation, etc.) frequently allying themselves to the local Politicians whose control over the police guaranteed immunity from arrest. The gangsters reciprocated with payments to the politicians and in services rendered on election day, through ballot stuffing, repeat voting, and physical intimidation of opponents. With the onset of massive immigration of different ethnic groups in the last two decades of the nineteenth century, the power of the Irish gangs began to wane. These new immigrants created their own criminal structures. Chinese Tongs in San Francisco and New York continued to grow, and Polish gangs appeared in Chicago's South Side. Yet the most important of these new gangsters - the Jews and Italians - came to dominance particularly in New York, in Jewish gangs such as the Eastmans, led by Monk Eastman, and in Italian gangs such as the Five Points Gang under Paolo "Paul Kelly" Vaccarelli, and in Black Hand gangs such as the one headed by Ignacio "Lupo the Wolf" Saietta (Nelli 1976, p. 75; Fried 1980).
Many of the more famous gangsters of this century started their careers in the intemecine warfare among these groups (e.g., Meyer Lansky, "Bugsy" Siegel, Al Capone, and "Lucky" Luciano). Prohibition and its resultant "beer wars" fueled the rise of these Jewish and Italian gangsters who eventually eliminated their Irish and Polish rivals. Al Capone spearheaded this transition in Chicago, eliminating the Irish (Dion O'Banion, the O'Donnells, etc.) and the Poles (Hymie Weiss and "Bugs" Moran). In New York a similar scenario resulted in the eliminating of Irish mobsters ("Legs" Diamond, "Mad Dog" Cofl, "Peg Leg" Lonegan, etc.). Jewish gangsters (Arthur "Dutch Schultz" Flegenheimer, Louis "Lepke" Buchalter, Jacob "Gurrah" Shapiro, Benjamin "Bugsy" Siegel) suffered similar fates, and were neutralized in the 1930s, and 1940s.
By the late 1950s, Italian gangsters dominated the world of organized crime, yet the extent of their current dominance is debated: some argue for a hierarchial structure ruthlessly controlled by the Mafia or La Cosa Nostra, others see a loose federation of numerous local criminal gangs and families composed mainly, but not exclusively, of those of Italian backgrounds who periodically assist each other. By the 1980s these gangs were in serious disarray as a result of numerous factors, foremost of which were the enforcement of the RICO (Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization) statute, and the changing ethnic and racial composition of areas historically dominated by major Italian criminal families (e.g. the Gambino, Genovese, Colombo, Accardo, Patriarca, Bonanno, Lucchese, and Trafficante crime families).
Waiting to succeed these mobs are the new ethnic gangsters - the African
Americans, the Hispanics, and the Asians - who have taken over many of
the criminal rackets and drug enterprises in inner city areas and are ready
to move into the organized crime mainstream, continuing the long succession
of ethnic groups in organized crime, confirming that crime is "a queer
ladder of social mobility" (Bell 1962, p.129; O'Kane 1992, p.85).
Similarities: The similarities between outlaws and gangsters lie primarily in the local support and media status extended to both, the nature of their personalities, and the personal leadership characteristics of the group's leader. Both gangs depend heavily on the tacit support of their local communities which protected and nurtured them either because those communities feared them, or because they resented their pursuers. Often impoverished, these out-of-the-mainstream communities exhibited a deep distrust of outsiders. In rural areas this hostility extended to those groups perceived as destroying a traditional way of life, singling out "easterners," bankers, railroad owners, and bureaucrats for resentment. These groups eventually became the primary victims of the bandit outlaws who preyed upon these symbols of oppression to the delight of the local populace who hated the "oppressors" more than they feared the outlaw. Idolized by the common folk, the bandits were perceived, often erroneously, as Robin Hoods, stealing from the rich, giving to the poor.
Woody Guthrie's ballad "Pretty Boy Floyd" epitomizes this admiration, verses of which romanticize the crimes of Charles Floyd:
There's many a starving farmer
The same story told
How the outlaw paid their mortgage
And saved their little home
But as through your life you travel
Wherever you may roam
You won't never see no outlaw
Drive a family from their home
(Lomax 1960, p.227).
This "us vs. them" mentality also permeated the ethnic slums of America's cities whereby the gangster was not infrequently viewed as a hero who could stand up to perceived oppressors and who would protect his ethnic brethren from all detractors. Police, the wealthy, and even other ethnic groups were regarded as enemies, while the gangster was honored as the champion of the neighborhood and that ethnic group's avenger. In the 1850s and 1860s, for example, police in New York City would only enter the Irish Five Points section in groups of ten, so violent were the residents towards established authority (Aggarwala 1993, p. 41); in Chicago, Al Capone was given standing ovations at ball parks and racetracks in the 1930s; New York City's Ellsworth "Bumpy" Johnson was eulogized in 1968 by his Harlem pastor as follows: "He had a code of ethics. He was not a coward and he never betrayed a friend ...Maybe there was no other way for him to be a man...he never cracked" (Walker 1968, p. 2).
The local community's respect and admiration of the outlaw and the gangster knew few limits, for these criminals had dealt with America on their own terms and, if only temporarily, showed their social superiors who was really in charge. Likewise, the ethnic community generally saw little wrong in the economic ventures undertaken by the gangsters and their mob, particularly since their enterprises provided jobs and other benefits for that community.
The rural outlaw and the urban gangster often spawned leaders with similar violent personality attributes. Both types of leaders had long personal violent histories and frequently terrorized their neighbors and kinsmen. Jesse and Frank James served as guerrilla terrorists in Kansas and Missouri during the Civil War, fighting in Quantrill's Raiders and with Bloody Bill Anderson, murdering women and children, as well as, Union soldiers (Sifakis 1982, p. 370). Billy the Kid's violence was scarcely that romanticized in the dime novels of the late nineteenth century, and in the more than forty movies made about him, he was considered by many to be a murderer. "Pretty Boy" Floyd may have been generous to sharecroppers but he actually was a ruthless killer; the same can be said about the murderous characters of Bonnie and Clyde and "Baby Face" Nelson. The myth of the socially-committed avenger masks the reality of the criminal on-the-loose terrorizing those around him.
Urban gangsters shared some of these traits. Perhaps the one enduring characteristic of this genre was their obsession with violence and the ease and frequency with which they exercised it. Irish gang leaders like Dion O'Banion could ruthlessly murder rivals and attend daily Mass in Chicago's Holy Name Cathedral in the 1920s; Jewish gangsters such as Dutch Schultz could torture and murder rivals and appear to the public as colorful, gregarious bootleggers; Al Capone could officiate over the slaughter of entire rival gangs, yet be voted Man of the Year in 1930 by Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism. The current anti-social behavior of current African American, Hispanic and Asian gangsters scarcely needs comment, as any review of the current homicidal nature of urban drug wars will illustrate. They are scarcely different from their historical counterparts.
Yet most of these outlaw leaders had charismatic qualities which attracted others to them and propelled them into criminal power. The Jesse Jameses, Cole Youngers, and "Pretty Boy" Floyds commanded respect from those around them, admirers who simply rationalized their murderous deeds. To this day, they are heroes to the downtrodden and their birthplaces and graves have become shrines visited by thousands of their admirers who have accepted the myth and ignored the historical reality. The urban gang leaders have exhibited similar charismatic leadership attributes and organizational abilities. The enduring success of their criminal ventures depended on these dual qualities. The achievements of the Irish gangs in the nineteenth century arose from their colorful leaders who knew how to use violence to organize their members for political and social ends: where would the urban political machines have been without them? The same could be said for the brilliant organizational abilities of Al Capone, Dutch Schultz, Meyer Lansky, "Lucky" Luciano and Frank Costello (see Fried 1980; Abadinsky 1981). Their abilities in motivating and persuading others to do their bidding were more important than their personal use of violence which could always be relegated for others - "gorillas" to do.
Differences:Yet even though both groups had shared similarities, there were important differences between the rural desperados and the urban mobsters. These differences lie in the following areas: gang organization, political connections, and ethnic composition. The organization structure of the rural outlaw bands and the urban mobs were substantially different. The outlaw band generally consisted of very few members: the James Gang, larger than most, often combined its forces with the Younger Brothers, but even here the membership was often less than ten core members. "Pretty Boy" Floyd's gang often consisted of himself and one partner (Bill "the Killer" Miller at one time, and George Birdwell, a former church deacon, at another time). The same could be said of other famous outlaws such as "Billy the Kid," old Bill Miner, and Bonnie and Clyde, whose gangs did not exceed six members. Current rural alcohol bootleg gangs are also small as Davis and Potter (1991) has demonstrated. Urban gangs were far larger. The Irish gangs of the Civil War era boasted hundreds of active members; their successors (Jews and Italians) also evidenced large memberships, so much so that terms such as "syndicates" and "crime families" are used to refer to Italian-American and Hispanic-American criminal enterprises, "posses" to identify Jamaican drug gangs, "crews" and "cartels" to refer to Columbian and Dominican crack gangs.
The outlaw bands had no enduring organization and often disappeared quickly when their leader was eliminated. Small primary groups, their existence dependant on this leader and when the leader was removed the gang quickly collapsed. The urban gang, because of its size, often developed layers of leadership that enabled it to continue even though its leader may have been murdered or imprisoned. Thus the ethnic gangs of America's cities often survived for decades even though their members have changed. The last remnant of Irish organized criminal gangs in New York City - the Westies - is the successor of a century old tradition on Manhattan's West Side. It traces its roots to the Hudson Dusters, and before them, the Gophers. Also in New York, criminologists speak of the Genovese faction and the Gambino faction, even though Vito Genovese and Carlo Gambino have been dead for decades!
Regarding political connections, the rural outlaw rarely developed any on-going relationship with the local political structures in the geographical areas in which he operated. Beholden to no one, the outlaw comes very close to epitomizing the American ideal of individualism: his success or failure depended solely on his own attributes, not on the corrupting influence of sheriffs, lawyers, judges and politicians. Since his goals were generally short range and monetary in nature, he saw no need to develop an ongoing political protection which would assure him immunity from police and judicial harassment. He lived for the moment, recklessly ignoring those agents of the larger dominant society who eventually would destroy him.
The successful urban gangsters, however, generally prospered by means of the corruption of local police and officials who guaranteed the success of the gangster's gambling houses, speakeasies, brothels, numbers games, drug operations, loan-sharking enterprises, and labor rackets. This symbiotic relationship between the mobster and the politician is best epitomized with the Irish gangs of the nineteenth century and their enduring association with the Tammany Halls and Democratic political machines of most of our cities: the gangs provided the resources to the politician and his organization; the politicians provided the protection crucial to criminal success. Subsequent successful ethnic criminals such as the Jews, Italians, Poles, African Americans, and Hispanics have followed the lead of the Irish and, in so doing, flourished. Their aims and goals were long term and those gangsters who developed these political connections generally survived and prospered; those who decided to "go it alone" were quickly eliminated, often by their ethnic peers who saw them as threats to criminal stability. Hence the "loners" and "misfits" - Dutch Schultz, "Legs" Diamond, "Mad Dog" Coll, Albert Anastasia, and dozens like them were gunned down. They lived - and died - for the moment. On the other hand those with a long-term view saw the need for political protection and in realizing it saw success for their organizations (e.g., Dion O'Banion, Meyer Lansky, "Lucky" Luciano, Frank Costello, Carlo Gambino, Moe Dalitz). The outlaw favored the style of the cowboy and the gunslinger depicted in the films of the Old West; the urban gangster favored the style of the criminal organizer, romantically exemplified by the Vito Corleone type in films/books such as The Godfather.
Finally, the outlaw bandits and urban gangsters differed in the ethnic composition of their respective groups. The social bandits of the mid-nineteenth to early twentieth century were almost entirely white, Anglo-Saxon Protestant in background, not surprising since they were drawn primarily from rural small-town farming communities of the Old Confederacy, the territories of the West, and the small towns of the Mid-West. Perhaps the only exception to this was "Billy the Kid" whose origins are shrouded in mystery but who was thought to be Irish and from Brooklyn, New York, and whose real name was either William Bonney, or Henry McCarty (Sifalds 1982, p. 73).
In contrast, urban gangsters overwhelmingly came from the lower-income ethnic minorities of the nation's cities. Virtually all of the famous (and not-so-famous) gangsters were either Irish, Jewish, Polish, or Italian in origin, and Catholic or Jewish in religious background (one possible exception was Owney "The Killer" Madden, the Prohibition bootlegger born in Liverpool England, though he probably was Irish). Current newcomer urban gangsters follow this same pattern mimicking the minority status of earlier mobsters. Hence the new groups (e.g., African Americans, Jamaicans, Nigerians, Haitians, Colombians, Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Chinese, Vietnamese, Japanese, and Russians) are far removed from the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant ideal.
In substance, rural outlaw-social bandit groups and urban ethnic
gangsters illustrate similar background features and distinct differences
in their group composition, their support systems, their ties to other
social institutions, and their social, ethnic, and religious makeup. What
at first may appear to be different types are in fact remarkably similar,
yet not so similar as to make each a mere reflection of the other. In their
own respective ways, the outlaw and the gangster illustrate the larger
social communities which spawned them, communities which in turn mirrored
the social, economic and political realities of their time. The outlaw
and the gangster thus slide away from historical truth and glide into myth,
ending up as folk heroes in a society that yearns for such heroes and anti-heroes.
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